IN JUNEStar Storya new program about celebrities and their fans, debuted on Korea's MBC television channel. Its Korean title was Pyol Palaki: "pyol" means "star," and "palaki" indicates a person who trains her eyes on a certain object. Put simply, "pyol palaki" signifies one who is a fan. The program was a television-studio talk show wherein a few stars and their most long-standing or especially zealous fans told secret stories about their experiences with the celebrity-follower relationship and shared intimate feelings with each other. Pyol Palaki was unique in its single-minded devotion to celebrities and their devotees, but many television programs had found success by featuring, at least at times, fans and their stories. For instance, a cable drama titled Reply Ungtaphala,which I will discuss at further length in the conclusion, was based on one girl's fervent fandom for H. High-five of Teenagers in the s — this is the same boy band that captured my imagination and eventually, circuitously, led to my interest in this broader cultural phenomenon. The series garnered its own fandom strong enough to spawn a spinoff, Replywhose main character admired a basketball player. The Reply programs speak to a global zeitgeist: these days, almost all media formats seem oriented toward acquiring and retaining fans. The status of the fan in the contemporary entertainment business is robust. Fans are no longer "the most duped and ignorant of the already co-opted audiences of Culture Industry spectacles"; they are one of the most influential forces operating in and outside the Korean media industry. I could not disclose my identity as a fangirl again, a ppasuni in Korean or share my consumption of fanfic with anyone when I was a teenager because I was afraid that people would think me a pathetic, lustful adolescent girl. Two decades later, I am constantly witnessing how very public fandom and active fan Asien Teen Gay Solo have become. Parents understand their kids' fandom and have their own soft spots for certain media personalities and content. Most surprising is that fanfic has Asien Teen Gay Solo a huge pop subculture; the mainstream entertainment industry has found diverse ways of embracing and commodifying the production of amateur texts. And we fans of FANtasy products are at times called trendsetters with respect to mass-marketed queer-themed media — less likely are we a pathologized group thought to be crazy about male-male sex. This chapter chronicles stories of the trendsetters in Korea who have surreptitiously produced and consumed fanfic and other expressions of romantic or erotic relationships between men. In other words, we are investigating when the FANtasy culture began in Korea, how it has changed, what impact it has had on female fans, and how it entered the mainstream market. In addition to fanfic, global gay-themed media like yaoi and US television programs have influenced the Korean version of FANtasy. This authorship, readership, and viewership of global and local gay-themed media texts among Korean women ultimately contributed to their generous attitudes toward homosexuality. Their cultural practices and gay-friendly perspectives then led the local mainstream market to conclude that gay love and identity were sellable commodities and began including queer characters, a trend I examine further later. As a result, the mainstream gay-themed content in Korea is meant to be like yaoi, US dramas, and fanfic in order to target young women. For now, we are connecting the present mainstream-centered gay spectacle in Korean popular culture with the historical and fan-oriented gay texts in FANtasy culture. We start off by charting the process by which young women come to enjoy FANtasy media since the s. In appropriating and modifying the global texts that they have embraced, local women have pioneered and territorialized their own FANtasy culture. In order to appreciate the relationship between the gay-themed flights of fancy and their enthusiasts' attitudes toward real-world nonheterosexual populations and queer-identified media of other types, I have conducted interviews with ten fanfic writers and readers who have been or are still involved in Asien Teen Gay Solo culture. Japanese manga has a long history of Asien Teen Gay Solo among young Korean women in their teens to thirties and older. The intense interest really took shape in the s, when some Korean women started reading Japanese comic books despite the Korean government's prohibition on cultural products imported from Japan. However, since there were no legal constraints applied to the comic books, they circulated in Korea earlier than other types of cultural products. Reportedly, Korean teenagers have long enjoyed plenty of opportunities to access Japanese popular culture: when surveyed in The twentysomethings were able to get their hands on cultural products at similar rates: Far and away, publications have been the most widespread Japanese type of cultural artifact in Korea. Print from the island nation was so popular in those days that a black market for Japanese comic books exploded among the younger female generation in Korea. Among the genre, Japanese shojo manga girls' comicsincluding yaoi, was one of their favorite themes. Zetsuai Cholae in Koreanwritten by Minami Ozaki incaptured an especially sizable fan base in Korea. It describes a gay love story between Koji Nanjo, a famous rock star, and Takuto Izumi, a soccer prodigy.
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